Herman Van Rompuy had a grim face when he entered the room at the Université Libre de Bruxelles, where the student association Union organized an evening with the well-known Belgian politician last Monday. Only eight people were present! I won’t stay here very long, the former president of the European Council stated rather annoyed. In the end, the conversation with the family-size audience lasted longer than expected, a good one hundred minutes, and the atmosphere was pleasant. Van Rompuy also managed to crack several smiles. Born in Etterbeek, one of Brussels’ well-to-do neighborhoods and not surprisingly the seat of European instructions, Count Herman Achilles is a historical figure in the Christen-Democratisch en Vlaams party. He was elected to the national parliament in 1988, minister for six years, president of the House of Representatives (2007-2008), and finally Prime Minister of Belgium (2008-2009).
He is known internationally for being the first president of the European Council after the entry into force of the Lisbon Treaty, with a stable mandate, from December 2009 to May 2012. Re-elected in March of that year for the second time, Van Rompuy stepped down ten years ago, in 2014. Arguments abounded, but basically, the president spoke about his experience at the top of the European institutions during the difficult years of the so-called Eurocrisis. Everyone is equal at the European Council, Van Rompuy argued. It does not matter what the political differences are – Christian Democrats, Socialists, Liberals, etc. These are differences that do not emerge at the time of decisions, when, on the other hand, a posture of open compromise should be kept. Strangely enough, each PM is almost never the expression of a single party.
He or she is more the product of a coalition; therefore, not just one person but many different people sit at the table. Van Rompuy recalled the poor political and economic mismanagement in some Eurozone countries at the time, including Portugal, Ireland, and Greece, but especially Italy and Spain – countries on which he toned down several times during his speech. Emphasis was also placed on the big players in the EU – Germany and France. Little on China, very little on Russia. A few mentions of the coronavirus and … no political gossip! Some among the audience asked Van Rompuy about his successor (and he too former PM of Belgium), Charles Michel. But the president merely said that Michel did manage complex challenges, among the pandemic, the aftermath of the migration crisis, and the Russian war in Ukraine.
He also stressed the political difficulties of recent years and recalled how politicians are faced not only with necessary compromises (in the very spirit of the European Council), but also with the long timescales of politics and negotiation. Van Rompuy also told about his relationships with the protagonists of the political season of the time: Angela Merkel (who was right to say that the Eurocrisis also affected European countries that did not have the Euro); José Barroso (a frank relationship); Donald Tusk (who succeeded him: he did not speak a word in English and at the time of his succession to the European Council he spoke off the cuff); José Luis Zapatero (guilty of not realizing the housing speculation triggered before him); Silvio Berlusconi (who did not manage Italy very well). A few minutes were also spent on domestic politics, particularly on Flemish issues – Van Rompuy is originally from Flanders.
Pressed on today’s EU, Van Rompuy identified four macro-priorities. In the first place is the security of the union and defense. Next comes the climate issue with its industrial and economic repercussions. In third place is competitiveness and productivity. And finally, the protection of democracy. Van Rompuy also spoke about a seemingly marginal issue: what language is spoken at the European Council? It tends to be English. But for example, France always speaks French. However, language is not an insurmountable obstacle. Even if the PMs do not speak the same language, they can achieve admirable political feats. Take Helmut Kohl, for example, who did speak nothing but German. What matters is political will. Without this, one cannot make political progress. This was evident in the collegiality of the European Council’s decisions, where trust and sincere commitment are capital ingredients for political harmonization and policy management.
Amedeo Gasparini
(Published on amedeogasparini.com)